Theories, Tools & Resources
This platform is part of a project that received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie SkłodowskaCurie grant agreement No. 101068688.
Choosing your future job, buying a house, managing a business, planning a city, or protecting our enviornment; most of our decisions entails a degree of strategic thinking!
At first glance, strategic decision-making may not appear to be a creative endeavor. Yet, it is said to require logical analysis and creative insight. In some fields, one is emphasized more than the other. An urban planner is told that strategic planning is more logical than creative. A business manager views it as a balance of both. A designer more likely leans toward it being creative. What is it about strategic decision-making that makes it creative, and does the nature of this creativity vary by field?
Strategic decision-making, as a future-oriented form of problem solving, is about creating new and useful solutions for the future. In fields such as urban planning, where stakes are high and resources are limited, there is a constant tension; the further we look into the future, the harder it becomes to anchor our ideas in facts. Yet, the higher the stakes, the more we crave certainty and turn to structured methods of future thinking. This results in uncertainty being concealed behind a façade of methodological confidence. Creativity becomes an umbrella term accounting for all aspects not explained by rational or scientific methods. Yet, by definition, strategic decision making is creativity! It is about bringing about outcomes that are both novel and valuable.
Strategic decision-making and creative problem solving both involve great deal of complexity and uncertainty. The structure of the problem and the outcomes are complex and unpredictable.
Undertanding the change within the bigger context of the system is crucial for both creativity and strategic decision making. It requires situating the current problem within its bigger context.
Compared to imagination or speculative future thinking, strategic decision-making and creativity both involve making choices between alternative scenarios.
It was only with the rise of romanticism and its admiration for imagination as distinct from intellect and feeling in the nineteenth century that the idea of creativity as we know it now became worthy of scrutiny. In the early accounts, creativity was often discussed in connection to imagination and genius. One could observe some patterns in the workings of painters and artists but few could provide a systematic understanding of creativity.
When theoretical studies on creativity were first called for in 1950, creativity needed to be rendered as something other than an accident. It had to be demystified away from notions of genius or magic. Creativity began to be defined as the production of something new and useful. The emphasis on ‘production’, as a purposeful form of creation, allowed scholars to account for creativity as an intentional act of creation.
Post WWII was a turning point for study of creativity. During the war, generals had observed that some officers can take better decisions in complex setting of unexpected events during the war than the others. They asked for more studies on 'giftedness' and ways that they can identify and recruit more creative officers in military. In 1950, J P Guilford, the then head of American Psychology Association, called for more scholarly reflections on the concept, which resulted in more than 70 definitions for creativity in the field of psychology alone.
Three approaches emerged in study of creativity: Holy Cow! approach, which looks for some special traits or abilities, themselves unexplained, which explain creativity. Nothing But path, which reduces creativity to the ordinary and denies its special characteristics, all in all. Finally, the In Between approach that acknowledges the uniqueness of creativity but considers it explorable and understandable.
The interest in systematic understanding of the creative process peaked in the so-called cognitive revolution, when scholars were trying to replicate human problem solving and decision making processes using computers.
Simon and his colleagues explored the notion of creativity through a series of studies. They selected prominent historical figures in science and examined the contexts in which these individuals developed their novel ideas. They framed creativity as nothing but a unique form of information processing and intuition, nothing more than pattern recognition through years of experience.
In seeking to understand and replicate creativity, its magical qualities were stripped away. It was reframed as a scientifically explainable phenomenon and was pushed to the back seat.
Also labelled as the 'We-paradigm' of creativity, frames creativity as an information-processing capacity. This implies that anyone with enough information processing capabilities, regardless of their individual differences, and dependent or independent of technology, could engage in a creative process and bring about creative solutions.
Creativity could be broken into tasks, distributed among multiple actors, and supported by institutional structures to ensure smooth operation and successful results. By removing reliance on individual qualities in creativity then, it is possible to design frameworks and processes that consistently deliver creative outcomes.
Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, a key critic of Simon and a pioneer of the experiential view of creativity, argued that creativity is more than just problem-solving. Arguably, what differentiates a creative solution from a non-creative one is how the problem is initially framed, this is creative problem finding. He and his supporters believe that creativity retains a mysterious quality, rooted in curiosity, motivation, attention, and the elusive 'Aha!' moment—none of which can be fully explained or replicated by computers.
For proponents of this view, the entire creative process must occur within one’s mind. Though still collaborative and shaped by social context, environment, and communication, it differs from the engineered model, as it cannot be broken down into discrete steps or assigned as separate tasks.
While scholars came to appreciate the role of structured frameworks in creativity, they also recognized its complexities and resisted overly simplistic, problem-solving models. This prompted efforts to incorporate individual traits into creative decision-making.
In business studies, these efforts led to frameworks showing how individual traits influence collective creativity and how the environment shapes personal creative processes.In urban planning and public policy, these discussions focused on institutional design rather than the internal structure of individual decision-making. In decision science, it remained largely confined to theoretical explorations of decision-making styles.
Much of the theoretical reflections on the concept of style come from the world of visual art. It is a well-discussed yet divisive subject. For some, style is merely a decoration to the content of the work of art; an accessory. As Whitman, for example, in his essay "Democratic Vistas" (1871) wrote: "Style, when true and real, is but the last thing, the resultant, a rich and born fullness, the casing, not the interior substance itself, but just the enveloping sheath or adorning curtain of the thing."
For others, style reflects the totality of the work of art, a unique mix of essential components, inseparable from content. As Cocteau writes: “Decorative style has never existed. Style is the soul.”
For Susan Sontag, style as a decorative element serves a political role. It only becomes a focal point, when deeper beliefs (about truth, morality, naturalness) are in crisis. When society cannot agree on what is true or good, it may shift attention to how things are expressed instead; style becomes a kind of proxy battlefield for unresolved ethical or political conflicts.
In creativity studies, style is closely related to the concept of creative agency. In the absence of institutions or collective creativity, style serves as a form of control over the creative process, enabling individuals to create a unique blend of logic, emotion, intuition, and feeling. In decision science, the concept of style was introduced to account for the full scope of the decision-making process beyond pure rationality.
"Style is the manner in which individuals take in data from the outside world and make decisions based on the data." Spicer and Sadler-Smith (2005)
"Decision making style as a learned habitual response pattern exhibited by an individual when confronted with a decision situation. It’s not a personality trait, by the habit-based propensity to react in a certain way in a specific decision context." Scott and Bruce (1995)
Measuring decision-making style has been important for policy design, health interventions, and financial decisions, as different styles lead to different choices. It helps with tailoring training, improving decisions, predicting job fit, and designing interventions.
Early research on decision-making styles primarily utilised self-report instruments like the General Decision-Making Style (GDMS) and the Rational–Experiential Inventory (REI) to assess individual preferences. However, these tools often reflect self-perception rather than actual behaviour.
Recent approaches have shifted towards objective methods, including experimental paradigms, process tracing (e.g., eye tracking, mouse tracking), and behavioural stylometry, to capture real-time decision processes and individual differences more accurately.
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This platform is part of a project that received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie SkłodowskaCurie grant agreement No. 101068688. The project is delivered in partnership with Crowd Cognition Lab at Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich and was hosted by the University of Twente.